Groups that advocate for press freedom have rightly expressed deep concern about the likelihood of the government imposing stricter control over news portals.
They fear that the government is planning to make amendments to the anachronistic Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984 (PPPA), which would have grave repercussions for media freedom and freedom of expression in the country.
According to the groups, the proposed amendments include reinstating the requirement for renewal of media licences (every three years), extending the definition of “publication” to include digital and electronic content, and imposing harsher criminal penalties.
Any further curb on media outlets would dash the people’s high expectations of more reforms and a freer political climate.
It is bad enough that Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s promise of “no internet censorship” has been gradually chipped away.
The proposed amendments to the PPPA would also mean that Pakatan Harapan, which professed a commitment to reforms, has gone back on its electoral promise to repeal this undemocratic law, a colonial legacy.
To be sure, this was the kind of media ecosystem that PH had strongly opposed when it was in the opposition, as it fell victim to the unjust treatment by legacy media under the thumb of previous governments. Other government critics, too, faced similar challenges.
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Self-censorship
In the old days, the licensing of print media meant they had to toe the government’s line to avoid suspension or closure as a result of incurring the wrath of the powers that be.
This gave rise to the insidious culture of self-censorship, where many journalists were inclined to exercise excessive caution to the extent of hiding unpleasant but vital truths. The red line was imagined to be omnipresent.
Such an environment spawned what I call “cue journalism”, where journalists and their bosses often waited for a government cue before deciding what to report and what not to cover.
The PPPA gave the home minister absolute power to determine who should get a licence to operate a newspaper, as well as power over the survival of existing newspapers.
Not surprisingly, the minister’s immense power had adverse implications, particularly on the mainstream media, whose credibility suffered as the public’s trust in it gradually diminished.
If there is a lesson to be learnt, the sacking of then deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim from the Mahathir government and Umno Baru in 1998 led to a huge drop in the sale and readership of mainstream newspapers.
Hunger for news
We must be mindful that the social standing of a media outlet should be founded on its credibility. It would lose its readership if it sugarcoats the truth and narrows the space for a diversity of public expressions.
At the height of the Reformasi movement, the domestication of the mainstream media by the government at the time led to information-hungry readers migrating to alternative media, particularly Pas’ party organ Harakah.
Certain blogs critical of the government also caught the attention of curious readers.
Harakah became an overnight sensation, especially after the 1999 general election, as it provided sufficient space for news largely rejected by the mainstream media and for dissenting voices.
The party organ’s estimated sales peaked at over 350,000 copies while its readership reached over a million people.
Limits on Harakah
In response, with the power vested in him, the then home minister swiftly intervened to drastically reduce Harakah’s publication frequency from twice a week to twice a month, and limit the publication’s sale to only party members.
The home ministry’s unfair actions were vehemently opposed by Pas politicians and other opposition politicians such as Ezam Noor and Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, who is now the home minister.
As expected, Harakah’s sales dropped markedly after the ministry’s directive took effect on 1 March 2000. It is conceivable that the emergence of news portal Malaysiakini on 20 November 1999 also played a part in attracting some of Harakah’s readers.
Credibility is all
To reiterate, credibility is crucial for any media outfit worth its salt. Compromising on this principle will see a migration of readers to alternatives they consider trustworthy.
As an aside, many Americans and others in the West have begun to question the professionalism of their corporate media. The media’s credibility dipped in the wake of its biased and even misleading reporting of the Israeli slaughter of the Palestinians. As a result, social media platforms such as TikTok have grown popular among critical users.
Such a scenario explains why a truly independent Malaysian media council, which media advocates have been clamouring for, would go a long way towards promoting journalistic professionalism and self-regulation, and reinforcing media credibility and integrity.
It is within a freer media environment that responsible, professional and credible media establishments can thrive. This would help provide a democratic and safe space for the public to engage in civilised debates and dialogue on issues of national and community importance.
Respect media freedom
Diverse professional media outlets would help accommodate various narratives. However, diverse media outlets that are owned and controlled by a select few may not necessarily produce this desired effect.
Having credible media and democratic space would be one way to help combat the abuse of freedom of expression that might occur through text messages and on other social media platforms.
Besides, there are already laws such as the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 that can address online misconduct among internet users.
To be clear, this is not a call for absolute media freedom as, in reality, there is no such thing as total freedom.
What is required is that any move to draft a law be balanced with a crucial respect for media freedom. – Free Malaysia Today
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