Questions arise over university board’s appointment of deputy PM’s daughter

Appointment raises concerns over political influence in higher education institutions

HEBI B/PIXABAY

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By Ammar Syabil Mohammad Azam

The recent appointment of Nurul Hidayah, daughter of Deputy PM Zahid Hamdi, to the board of directors of Universiti Putra Malaysia (UPM) has sparked debate.

Critics say it raises questions of conflict of interest, given her father’s position as Umno president and deputy PM of Malaysia. They also point to her role as an executive member of the women’s wing of Umno, a key party in government.

Some wonder whether public universities, already under the bureaucratic control of the Ministry of Higher Education (MoHE), need further political oversight.

They argue that institutional autonomy is already uncertain. Yet, the ministry appears willing to appoint politically affiliated persons to governing positions.

Questions have emerged about how rigorous the vetting process was for Nurul Hidayah’s appointment.

Was there someone with more academic experience who might have been better qualified? Were there other alumni candidates without political connections who might have similar or better qualifications?

Higher Education Minister Zambry Kadir, who is also Umno vice-president, must explain this appointment. The decision falls within his jurisdiction under Clause 14 (1) of the Universities and University College Act (UUCA).

Recent controversies had already affected universities.

These include allegations about the National Professors Council’s public funds being leveraged by two trustees for their company’s operations.

In 2022, anti-corruption officials hauled up a public university director who allegedly receiving a car as inducement for helping a company obtain a tender worth RM1.6m.

The country has also been ranked among the top 10 for retracted journal papers, suggesting issues with scientific integrity.

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These incidents highlight concerns about corruption, bribery, fraud, embezzlement and research misconduct in higher education institutions.

Critics argue that some public funds may not have been used appropriately.

Others question what qualifications Nurul Hidayah has to ensure better governance practices.

Some want her position to be terminated and suggest the vetting process should focus on individuals with proven knowledge in industry or academia.

Systemic issues in university governance

The situation highlights broader concerns about higher education in Malaysia, including a lack of institutional autonomy and education quality.

The MoHE currently controls key decisions about budgeting, strategic direction and academic programmes.

According to the Asian Development Bank, university boards lack true autonomy in decision-making. This stems from the incomplete corporatisation of universities, as internal decisions still require ministry approval. These include choices of academic programmes, student numbers and infrastructure projects – all key features of a university’s strategic direction.

Perhaps we could look at Hong Kong and England as potential models. Their systems feature governing committees that include local leaders, key industry players, student leaders and academics. Such committees have the power to set university strategy, as they represent broader public interests.

Critics argue that ministry appointments to board positions may lead to political influence, as the ministry will always be under political leadership. This has resulted in universities depending on the ministry for funding, creating a bureaucratic rather than collegial relationship. This could lead to undue political influence in university governance, making it tough for universities to exercise autonomous decision-making and formulation of strategy in line with their own cultural and direction.

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Governing committees in universities have to be legitimised and made more autonomous so that power can be devolved – on merit – to people who understand the challenge of their universities.

Several countries have adopted models with full or partial institutional autonomy. In these systems, ministries act as significant funders through input-based or performance-based funding. The National University of Singapore, for example, operates as a policymaker setting framework guidelines without any tight administrative control over it.

This can only be done with the political will of the government, which has to spearhead such an institutional reform, aligning it with its Reformasi agenda.

Another challenge towards institutional autonomy comes in how universities are financed. A multifaceted approach should be introduced and properly reviewed.

The current “grant blocks” system of university financing allocates funds based on R&D quality. While this provides some autonomy, many argue merit-based financing should be balanced with subsidies.

Funding should consider factors like student numbers and tuition costs. Targeted subsidies should be based on the new basic cost of living index (which  factors in location etc) to ensure equitable education access. This should apply to all public universities.

Indeed, meritocracy should be balanced with a sense of humanity when emulating neoliberal models of university governance and financing.

An independent ombudsman for universities, separate from university and ministry control, must be established. This office would handle student complaints about university bureaucrats and staff, thus providing checks and balances to identify or reduce misconduct.

All these measures will ensure good governance structures and practices in public universities and democratise their decision-making. These measures will also help balance institutional autonomy with state bureaucratic oversight, potentially reducing political influence in universities.

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The goal is to improve university quality while maintaining the principle of collegiality.

Ammar Syabil Mohammad Azam, an Aliran member, is head of the students’ bureau of the youth wing of Negeri Sembilan PKR and former deputy speaker of the UKM students’ union. A psychology graduate from UKM, he is currently a research intern at the Center for Combating Corruption and Cronyism.

The views expressed in Aliran's media statements and the NGO statements we have endorsed reflect Aliran's official stand. Views and opinions expressed in other pieces published here do not necessarily reflect Aliran's official position.
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