Anwar’s three years: Can reform survive Sabah polls shock, Umno baggage and bloated bureaucracy?

M Santhananaban

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s completion of three years in office passed recently with little fanfare.

In rapid succession after that anniversary, Anwar has faced an exasperating time, his expectations dashed in the recent Sabah election.

That result must not become a watershed. It revealed dissatisfaction and division, worsened by meddling by personalities from the peninsula. That perception must be repaired, not reinforced.

While many challenges were inherited, the administration has magnified some and added new ones. But fiscal deficits have been trimmed and stability maintained – crucial for growth.

Yet Malaysia enters 2026 in a fragile state of flux, despite official optics projecting confidence.

Political fraying

The alignments that formed the “unity government” in November 2022 are fraying. Anwar’s PKR is diminished. Rafizi Ramli, the party’s former deputy president and once an Anwar enthusiast, now stands among his critics.

Barisan Nasional, a pivotal bulwark of the “unity government”, is now a residual remnant. A tainted UMNO postures pretentiously, taking undue advantage of the prime minister’s focus on securing Malay support.

Anwar seems to be riding an ageing lion, instead of consolidating his base by working more closely with reform-minded allies like the DAP, PKR and Amanah.

The BN coalition, painstakingly built after Razak Hussein’s historic 1974 visit to China, is now a pale shadow. Its longest-standing allies, the MCA and the MIC, now posture to escape a broken boat. The discharges not amounting to acquittal of Umno politicians appear as a betrayal of advertised reform credentials.

Bureaucratic behemoth

Beneath tenuous politics lies the state bureaucracy – once first-rate, now a humongous behemoth and a power centre functioning at different speeds of accountability and efficiency.

Civil servants are required to be impartial, but there is scope for them to be biased or obstructive. Those who underperform often survive; dismissals are rare.

Promotions lack transparent accountability and are often influenced by superiors and the Public Service Department (PSD) – an anachronistic holdover that needs dismantling. Anonymous letters remain an intriguing feature of public sector life, often the only whistle-blowing mechanism.

To claim the bureaucracy works harmoniously would mislead. Flagrant examples over the years abound:

• A former chief secretary admitted receiving a monthly RM30,000 allowance from 1MDB operations, though he had no part in the heist.
• Two police officers from a VIP unit were convicted of the murder of a Mongolian national; no motive was established.
• A High Court judge resigned under pressure after alleging judges were ‘fixed’ to hear certain cases. His sacrifice for transparency cost him his pension.
• A senior political secretary to the prime minister recently resigned over corruption allegations.

A diminished office

The prime minister’s office Anwar leads is diluted. His three immediate predecessors served short tenures of 22, 17 and 16 months. Completing three years, given this record, is an achievement for an office shorn of its old glory.

Corruption remains among the most serious challenges, alongside extremism and intolerance. It involves not just salaried employees but political appointees. The quantum is rarely fully disclosed; prosecutions cite relatively small amounts. When the corporate sector is involved, figures are mind-boggling – one case involved a RM188m bribe.

The public sector, with nearly 1.6 million employees plus 400,000 in government-linked companies, is seen more as a vote bank than a service provider.

Ambiguity has been introduced. The thinking in some high circles is that returning corrupt sums could offer exoneration. This is not the law, and it places anti-corruption agencies in a tricky position.

The path forward

For Anwar to complete his mandate meaningfully, he must act promptly:

• Allow civil servants from Sabah and Sarawak to head at least three federal departments to foster belonging. The PSD, with its outdated blinkers, is the stumbling block.
• Streamline the administration of religion at the federal level with policies aligned fully to the constitutional provisions concerning the Malay rulers. This would allow the civil service to focus on core socioeconomic duties.
• Dismantle the Look East Policy to focus holistically on a unified, multicultural nation. Focusing solely on Japan and South Korea ignores changed realities and fails due to linguistic barriers.
• Stem the exodus of talent with fresh all-inclusive education budgets to encourage Malaysian nationhood across all regions.
• Empower the foreign and trade ministries to enhance cooperation with Asean and the wider Asian region.
• Transform political leadership from dynastic geriatric provincialism to include youthful leaders with an instinct for national advancement. Rafizi should be rehabilitated into a dynamic team.

This list is not exhaustive. Clarity, consistency and confidence are needed on corruption, extremism and multiculturalism. The prime minister cannot handle these alone. He must delegate authority to fit and proper people.

New policies must drive real, not cosmetic, reform. Anwar’s three years should be remembered for leadership, not discharges not amounting to acquittal.

As he enters his final two years, Anwar must steer resources towards the immediate implementation of long-overdue reforms, managing Putrajaya’s collaboration with Sabah and Sarawak with careful respect.

With the elephant of the bureaucracy in the room and dinosaurs in the political constellation, he must avoid attracting an albatross. The nation’s trajectory depends on a clear, united path forward.

M Santhananaban is a retired ambassador with over 45 years of public sector experience.

Support our work by making a donation. Tap to download the QR code below and scan this QR code from Gallery by using TnG e-wallet or most banking apps: