Early this year, a nationwide survey by Institut Masa Depan Malaysia (Masa) showed Anwar Ibrahim’s approval rating in the fourth quarter of 2025 at below 50%.
The majority of those polled were either unhappy with what the prime minister had achieved in his three years in office, or had no opinion of it.
This contrasts with another nationwide survey by the Merdeka Center in May 2025 – published in June – that put the prime minister’s approval rating at 55%.
The top concern of respondents in both surveys is a bleak economic outlook, which includes the rising cost of living, depressed wages and limited employment opportunities. With everything that has been going on in the world, public anxiety is understandable.
Malaysia’s export-driven economy has borne the brunt of US President Donald Trump’s erratic tariff policy – most of which was recently struck down by the US Supreme Court in a 6–3 ruling.
There is also the protracted war in Ukraine, the ongoing genocide in Gaza, the US’s merciless bombardment of Iran, the cruel anti-immigration pogrom in the US, mass killings in South Sudan and much else besides.
As a small, middle-power nation, Malaysia must deftly navigate these global challenges and minimise their detrimental impact on its people.
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While most of what is happening is beyond Malaysia’s control, a great deal of public unhappiness is brewing over the way the government has handled the economy, as the surveys show.
Many expect the government to do more to help ordinary people absorb the inflationary pressure these global crises impose.
PN’s failure to capitalise
Fortunately for the “Madani” (trustworthy) government, the enfeebled parliamentary opposition, Perikatan Nasional has not been able to capitalise on Anwar’s less than stellar approval rating.
Since losing the 2022 general election, PN has not played the role of an effective parliamentary opposition by offering an alternative economic agenda.
Instead, it has focused solely on exploiting sentiment-driven issues to drive a wedge into an already highly polarised society.
We can see how actively PN – particularly its main component party, Pas –has injected race and religion into issues such as the reinstitution of local government elections, urban renewal legislation, “illegal” Hindu temples and drunk-driving incidents.
But PN is nowhere to be found in discussions on the national healthcare crisis, fuel subsidy rationalisation and the minimum wage debate – even though the four states it currently governs rank among the poorest in the country and could greatly benefit from a higher minimum wage and targeted subsidies.
Take local government elections. Pas believes that if people are given the right to choose their own local councillors, all urban areas in Malaysia will be dominated by Chinese voters (read: DAP). Inexplicably, this argument is applied even to Kota Bharu, Kelantan, where Malays make up roughly 93% of the population.
In Kuala Lumpur, most neighbourhoods are ethnically mixed and ethnic Malays slightly outnumber ethnic Chinese residents. The spectre of a Chinese tsunami sweeping all urban centres if local government elections return is pure fear-mongering. As young people now like to say: “The math is not mathing.”
Abstaining from reform
The most bewildering act by PN as an opposition was to abstain on the proposed constitutional amendment to impose a cumulative 10-year term limit for future prime ministers, which the Madani government tabled in early March.
The bill fell just two votes short of the required two-thirds majority – with 44 MPs abstaining and 32 absent. Not a single MP voted against it.
In the context of democracy, a term limit is integral in curbing executive excess and the corruption and political rot that come with staying in power too long. Its addition to the constitutional framework should have been welcomed, especially by the opposition.
It is simply baffling why the opposition believed a term limit was a bad idea when it would have been the greatest beneficiary had the amendment passed. PN offered the dubious excuse that the term limit would usurp the king’s authority to appoint the prime minister – a claim the government flatly rejected. The king’s authority in this regard is ceremonial; real power rests with the democratically elected Parliament.
Anwar must also take some of the blame for failing to muster enough votes to pass the amendment, despite the Madani coalition’s purported two-thirds majority in Parliament. It is a clear testament to how fragile and fractious the coalition is, and Anwar’s less-than-commanding leadership over it.
And yet, the constitutional amendment should have enjoyed bipartisan support and passed with minimal resistance. One recent example is the unanimous passing of the Undi18 constitutional amendment in 2019 –implemented in December 2021 – that lowered the voting age from 21 to 18.
There was bipartisan agreement that Malaysia should finally join the rest of the world in making 18 the minimum voting age. That is what a functioning opposition looks like.
The current parliamentary opposition chose to abstain from the proposed term limit amendment for the sake of it. It was like cutting off one’s nose to spite one’s face. Videos of PN MPs taking a group shot in Parliament to purportedly celebrate the defeat of the amendment marked a new low for political opposition in Malaysia.
The price of a weak opposition
Last Saturday, I attended a Rant or Rave forum in Penang, co-organised by Gabungan Bertindak Malaysia (GBM) and Aliran. Attendees had the opportunity to voice their frustration and occasional satisfaction with the current Madani government.
One of the main issues raised was a weak opposition at the state level, which many felt could be remedied by reinstating local government elections.
The same can be said at the national level. Malaysia has an inept and rudderless opposition that offers nothing of substance when it comes to real policies affecting people’s lives.
Even the PN members touted as “professionals” have said little of significance. The opposition barely puts up a credible challenge, despite the Madani government’s below-par approval ratings.
That is simply not good enough. In a democracy that prides itself on checks and balances, it is a dereliction of duty.
Azmil Tayeb
Co-editor, Aliran newsletter
15 April 2026
The views expressed in Aliran's media statements and the NGO statements we have endorsed reflect Aliran's official stand. Views and opinions expressed in other pieces published here do not necessarily reflect Aliran's official position.
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