By Johan Arriffin
Good governance is a vast and complex subject. Allow me to narrow the focus to a particular dimension: religiosity and governance, and more specifically, why corruption seems to thrive in Muslim-majority Malaysia.
Muslim society
Islam and Malay identity are deeply intertwined, inseparable in both cultural and political terms. The convergence of identity politics, Islam and Malay ethnicity forms a powerful force – one that holds the potential to either unify or fracture Malaysia.
In Singapore’s recent general election campaign, political leaders stressed the importance of keeping race and religion separate from politics.
While Islam is recognised as the official religion of the federation through the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), which is a big concession, the founding leaders of the Borneo states – Sabah and Sarawak – insisted on preserving freedom of religion as a fundamental safeguard. This principle remains a cornerstone of their constitutional position within Malaysia – the separation of religion from identity. This is not unusual given the vast ethnic diversity in Borneo.
Herein lies the paradox confined to the peninsula: ethnic Malay leaders often project a keen sense of religiosity yet consistently score low on measures of clean governance. Mosques are packed every Friday, and outward expressions of Islam are visibly enforced – through dress codes, interfaith protocols and various state enforcements. Whipping has been enforced for ‘close proximity’ but not for theft through corrupt practices.
Government institutions like the Islamic development department Jakim and the Ministry of Religious Affairs continue to expand their reach in shaping the national agenda, despite pushbacks from Sabah and Sarawak leaders.
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And yet, despite this heightened religiosity, corruption remains at elevated levels.
In the Borneo states, religion has been decoupled from issues of crimes. Recent cases of alleged corruption involving the issuance of mining licences in Sabah, for instance, have been addressed strictly as matters of criminal wrongdoing -with no attempts to justify or excuse them on religious grounds.
No concept of guilt or shame
There is an old proverb that says, “A fish rots from the head down.” This could not be more apt when discussing the state of governance in Malaysia today.
It is believed that when a person is conscious about religion, they are more likely to experience feelings of shame and guilty after engaging in behaviours considered sinful.
But this is not always the case. Take, for instance, the case of former Prime Minister Najib Razak. In August 2022, he took a solemn Islamic oath at the Kampung Baru Jamek Mosque, declaring his innocence in the SRC International case -claiming he had no knowledge that RM42m had been deposited into his personal accounts.
Yet, the courts found him guilty and sentenced him to prison. After his sentence was controversially reduced, some quarters even campaigned for him to be placed under house arrest. It was hero worship, and “Malu apa, bossku” (What’s there to be ashamed of, boss) became a slogan.
Malay society has changed; corruption is no longer a shameful act – it is a badge of honour.
This episode reflects a troubling trait in governance within Malay society – a tendency towards selective forgiveness, especially for the powerful.
While elites are shielded, an older adult was sentenced to jail in April 2024 for stealing a few cans of sardines. Is this not a clear example of different strokes for different folks? One rule for the powerful, and another for the powerless. Where is the justice and who fights for the common folk?
Complex dynamics of race and religion
Many Malays remain entrenched in a feudal mindset, where loyalty to race, religion and rulers supersedes critical thinking and moral accountability. Blind loyalty can be pervasive. Race and religion are deeply intertwined, often used as unifying tools – but also as shields to justify or deflect wrongdoing.
Leadership by example takes on a different meaning. When those in power steal with impunity, it sends a dangerous message: that corruption is tolerable -so long as you hold the right position or pedigree.
The blame game is also a common tactic.
Pas president Hadi Awang claimed that non-Muslims were the root cause of corruption in Malaysia – an assertion both divisive and racially biased. When rumours of a royal decree were issued, suggesting house arrest for Najib, Hadi defended it staunchly. Those who opposed the idea, he argued, either misunderstood Islam or were driven by political vengeance.
Hadi’s twisted logic echoes remarks made in Parliament in 2019 by Noh Omar, a former Barisan Nasional minister, who said: “Stealing is not wrong—only when you are arrested does it become wrong. Riding a motorcycle without a helmet is not wrong; only when the police arrest you, it becomes wrong.”
By this logic, is corruption only wrong when you are caught?
So, the question remains: where does Malay loyalty truly lie? To justice? To religion? To the Constitution? Or merely to race, status and symbolism?
Affirmative action has not helped
The New Economic Policy (NEP), introduced in 1970, was designed as a 20-year programme to eradicate poverty across all ethnic groups, with a particular focus on uplifting rural Malays.
This mindset has fostered a culture of dependency and impunity. We have seen repeated bailouts of companies and statutory bodies, run by Malays.
Felda Global Ventures, once a flagship for Malay economic empowerment, collapsed under mismanagement.
Sapura Energy, another giant, is now teetering on the brink – again with calls for a government rescue (RM1.1bn).
Most recently, authorities uncovered RM170m in assets linked to a former prime minister – yet another grim reminder of how wealth and power continue to be concentrated in the hands of a few, often under the guise of protecting Malay interests.
There is no transparency in these bailouts, although it involves taxpayers’ money.
Corruption – the biggest government problem
According to Transparency International, a staggering 71% of Malaysians believe that government corruption is a severe problem. Among public institutions, Parliament, the police and government officials ranked highest in perceived corruption.
Notably, these are institutions overwhelmingly dominated by Malays.
This raises a difficult but necessary question: how can a society which prides itself on religious and moral values tolerate such widespread corruption within its own ranks?
Religion alone cannot prevent corruption
Over the decades, successive Malaysian governments have launched a series of campaigns and policies aimed at promoting integrity and combating corruption.
Each administration has added its own ideological flavour to this agenda.
Under Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad in the 1980s, we saw the introduction of the inculcating of Islamic values.
Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi followed with “Islam Hadhari” (Civilisational Islam) in 2004.
Prime Minister Najib Razak introduced “Wasatiyah” (Moderation) in 2010, and the Pakatan Harapan government in 2018 promoted “Rahmatan-lil-Alamin” (Islam as a Mercy to All).
Now, under the current PM, we have the national anti-corruption plan for 2024-28.
The question we must ask is not how many more initiatives we need – but why the existing ones have failed.
Cause and effect
According to recent findings, the major causes of corruption in Malaysia are administrative failure, weak internal controls and non-compliance, and conflicts of interest.
These three account for over 70% of all the causes. These systemic weaknesses, if they continue, will erode public trust.
The economic cost is staggering. Between 2019 and 2023, the estimated cumulative gross domestic product (GDP) lost due to corruption amounted to RM277bn – equivalent to 28 years’ worth of government allocations.
To put this into perspective, the amount lost would cover nearly three decades of funding for the Sumbangan Tunai Rahmah (STR) programme (cash handouts to buy basic household items), which currently receives RM10bn in annual funding.
This is happening despite religious teachings and the fear of naraka (hellfire), life after death. “Shockingly, the culprits caught with corruption in Malaysia are mostly Malays who are Muslims. It is as if they are ignorant of the teachings of Islam which prohibit taking wealth from unlawful means and illicit gains,” noted the late emeritus professor Mohd Kamal Hassan, who was chair of the Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (Ikim).
Corruption is not unique to Malays or to Islam – it is a universal human failing found across all societies and faiths.
Pardons are not unique to Malaysia. In the US, former President Joe Biden pardoned family members and friends during his final days in office, while President Donald Trump issued pardons to the January 6 rioters early in his term.
Religiosity alone has proven to be an insufficient deterrent against corruption. Despite outward displays of faith, rampant corruption continues to erode Malaysia’s institutions and future.
Instances of “discharge not amounting to an acquittal” (DNAA) are common: 18 cases involving high-profile individuals (VIPs and “VVIPs”) have been granted such discharges over the past eight years.
According to the 2012 chief registrar’s circular on high-profile cases, VIPs and VVIPs are defined as royalty, politicians, judges and senior government officials.
If left unchecked, corruption will inevitably destroy a nation from within. More severe penalties and a focus on education are essential to curb corruption among young people, according to experts.
Religion should be respected and kept separate from racial identity to preserve its sacred purity.
Corruption too must be disentangled from religion, as seen in the Borneo states of Sabah and Sarawak. Unlike the peninsula, the Borneo states treat corruption as a crime, regardless of ethnicity or religion.
Without a strong moral foundation built from an early age, no number of slogans, policies or religious campaigns can reverse the entrenched culture of corruption.
The practical solution lies in building a foundation of ethics and values from the earliest stages of education. Anti-corruption principles must be instilled at the primary school level – before bad habits and cynicism take root.
Moreover, agencies like Jakim, which receive significant government funding, should distribute a substantial part of their resources to anti-corruption efforts – not just rituals, but real action to uphold moral governance.
Public accountability, reprimands, the docking of pay and benefits, dismissals from service and public disclosures could serve as powerful deterrents against misconduct. Disciplinary measures have been too lenient, especially among the top ranks of the public service.
We need stronger enforcement and visible consequences to restore integrity and trust.
The above remarks were delivered by Datuk Dr Johan Arriffin, a member of the G25 group of prominent former civil servants, at a G25 forum in Penang on 17 May.
- Tegakkan maruah serta kualiti kehidupan rakyat
- Galakkan pembangunan saksama, lestari serta tangani krisis alam sekitar
- Raikan kerencaman dan keterangkuman
- Selamatkan demokrasi dan angkatkan keluhuran undang-undang
- Lawan rasuah dan kronisme
A timely commentary on how religion is being pressed into service to decriminalize corruption in this country.