Amid conversations regarding the possibility that former Prime Minister and convict Najib Razak may be granted house arrest for the rest of his sentence, the Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4 Center) expresses absolute condemnation against this unwarranted leniency.
It joins the chorus of civil society organisations, think tanks and concerned people who are outraged at the apparent lack of commitment towards anti-corruption by Anwar Ibrahim’s government.
Soft on scandal-ridden political figures
Why has the tone of the “Madani” (civil and compassionate) government been so sympathetic to Najib? Have they forgotten the sheer scale of his crimes?
Najib was convicted for abuse of position for gratification of RM42m, three counts of criminal breach of trust and three counts of money laundering – which led to a sentence of 12 years’ imprisonment and a fine of RM210m.
On 29 January 2024, Najib received a commutation of his sentence for his conviction in the SRC International trial through a royal pardon. The pardon commuted the sentence to only six years’ imprisonment and a mere RM50m fine.
Najib remains on trial for corruption-related offences in three separate other cases: the International Petroleum Investment Company (Ipic), 1MDB and AmPrivate Banking money-laundering cases.
Since then, speculation has swirled around a purported ‘addendum’ to the main pardon document, which states that Najib is allowed to serve the rest of his sentence under ‘house arrest’.
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Following reports of the addendum, the government proposed a law enabling house arrest for certain offences.
In an interview with the Financial Times, Anwar also defended the reduced prison time for Najib, stating that he himself went through the “hell” of prison time and solitary confinement, ostensibly implying that he does not wish the same for Najib.
There should be no sympathy for crimes of Najib’s scale, let alone from Malaysia’s prime minister.
Worryingly, aside from Najib, Anwar’s administration seems to have also developed sympathies for other individuals embroiled in corruption cases. Instead of supporting public calls for accountability from the Attorney General’s Chambers for the various acquittals and discharges not amounting to acquittal for scandal-ridden politicians, the government has not only remained silent – it has welcomed individuals such as Zahid Hamidi and Musa Aman back into the highest levels of government.
Major institutional shortcomings remain unaddressed, most pertinently the lack of independence of the Attorney General’s Chambers and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission from executive influence.
This lack of reform – despite public indignation – strongly points towards the mishandling of corruption cases involving politicians as being far from incidental.
It is no stretch of the imagination to find that the dropping of charges benefits key figures in the Barisan Nasional coalition, of which the current Madani government is formed, together with the Pakatan Harapan coalition. Deputy PM Zahid Hamidi remains the leader of Umno, while Najib and Rosmah Mansor are still well-loved figures in Umno as well.
The political expediency of it all is not lost on the people. The government has also been widely criticised for its mishandling of the ongoing Sabah state government corruption saga, which finds its key alleged perpetrators in politicians aligned with Gabungan Rakyat Sabah, another component political party part of the current government.
Fed up with political games
Let us be perfectly clear: there is no longer “growing” discontent among the people at the government’s anti-corruption efforts. People are dissatisfied, angry and demanding change.
On 25 January, hundreds turned up for a rally organised by the People Hate Corruption Secretariat, demanding real change from the Madani government. The rally was primarily student-led and followed another anti-corruption rally in Sabah.
The secretariat made three demands:
- separate the Attorney General’s Chambers from the prime minister’s office
- free the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission from political interference
- introduce a political financing act
Both these rallies were marked by a heavy police presence, discouragement of attendance by public educational institutions, and a lack of support by politicians who – prior to attaining power – had once taken to the streets to demand reform, such as Fahmi Fadzil and Anwar himself.
When Najib was first arrested, first charged and first sentenced, the people of Malaysia rejoiced. These events signified a step closer towards reforming the political structures built upon corruption and money politics that have weakened the nation for decades.
The granting of a house arrest to Najib, the man responsible for one of the corruption scandals in Malaysian history – if not the worst – could be the death blow to hopes of good governance, transparency and faith in the system for millions of people.
While it is true that Anwar may not have full control over this potential scenario, his sympathetic stance to Najib’s plight completely undermines his anti-corruption promises.
The country needs stronger leadership against corruption and the politicians who have devastated this nation.
We have had enough of empty words and promises. There can be no house arrest for Najib Razak. – C4 Center
- Tegakkan maruah serta kualiti kehidupan rakyat
- Galakkan pembangunan saksama, lestari serta tangani krisis alam sekitar
- Raikan kerencaman dan keterangkuman
- Selamatkan demokrasi dan angkatkan keluhuran undang-undang
- Lawan rasuah dan kronisme
