|
|||||||||||||||
|
Anwar and the limits of reform Meaningful problem-solving must see the root of the problem itself
by John Hilley
Please support our work by buying a copy of our print publication, Aliran Monthly, from your nearest news-stand. Better still take out a subscription now. If you prefer to read our web-based edition, please support our work and make a donation. For a US$10 donation (via credit card) 
For a US$25 donation
Here, it is useful to consider the mindset of power and how it seeks to manage by concession. This does not always depend on agreements, as such, but on ‘shared understandings’ between those at the apex of the system. The outcome here: the judges regain a little prestige, the political elite get ongoing protection. A neat trade-off, indeed. As the decision over this appeal suggests, the nods and winks were particularly crucial. For acquitting Anwar would have risked full-blown exposure of conspiracy at the highest level. The persecution of this man, and the judiciary’s role in it, has not been concluded quite yet. Lancing the boil Anwar’s release has been interpreted by some as weakness on Abdullah’s part. But there may be longer-term benefits for Pak Lah. The PM may lack Mahathir’s dogged staying power in handling political enemies. Yet, while allegedly part of the conspiracy to put Anwar away, he has managed, rather studiously, to cast the affair as a dark episode of the Mahathir era. By lancing the boil, Abdullah is now the ‘healing surgeon’ who took the sting out of the Anwar factor. Support for Anwar will remain. But it will no longer be conditioned by the politics of incarceration. Whether Anwar can now galvanise the opposition from this side of a prison wall depends largely on UMNO’s own evolution. With renewed international standing, Abdullah will likely utilise the ‘reformist’ moment to full effect. More problematic is his actual ability or willingness to address the institutional corruption within UMNO/BN itself. If Abdullah’s ‘new era of judicial transparency’ is to be taken seriously, it would also have to include an end to the Internal Security Act and the fair arraignment of those held on spurious terror charges. Beyond the current rhetoric of national healing, there seems little indication of such. Keadilan and UMNO Anwar’s first consideration following recuperation will be his relationship with the much-troubled Keadilan. Formal leadership would seem the most obvious move. Yet, this may not be what Anwar has in mind. Rather, in political limbo till 2008, he may try to stake out a new ‘intermediate’ politics of national unity, seeking to re-occupy the role of ‘elder’ civil reformer expounded in The Asian Renaissance. Suggestions of a release deal between Anwar and Abdullah cannot be substantiated. However, Anwar’s appreciation of the PM “for not interfering with the judiciary” offers an indication of the way in which it was managed and, perhaps, how both might engage as future opponents. Again, we shall see whether such ‘shared understandings’ translate into political compliance. For Anwar, any actual return to UMNO on a new ‘reform from within’ ticket would be yet another exercise in self-deception — though, in the never-say-never world of Malaysian politics, this scenario cannot be ruled out. In the meantime, Anwar remains a principal player with still considerable kudos inside UMNO. The task for Abdullah and others is to keep that element safely detached from Anwar. The key feature here will be the nature and extent of any rapprochement between Anwar and the UMNO hierarchy as the latter revert to the old strategies of ‘consult’ and incorporate. The removal of Hadi?
What this indicated to a new generation of politically-aware Malaysians was PAS’s ability to engage the standard political arena rather than be bound by rigid Islamic doctrine. Once again, PAS needs to use this latest development to mediate their political profile. Indeed, they might usefully adopt, in some form, Anwar’s own ‘Islamic populism’ — a role once employed by Mahathir — in that process. If that happens, the realignment now taking place opens up more interesting possibilities still. The foundational fraud A last word, though, on misplaced political hopes. The depressing spectacle of ‘Bush the evangelist’ and ‘reporting for duty’ Kerry proclaiming their powers of national deliverance reminds us that the fight for real democracy and political reform must reach beyond the charade of party politics and promises of messianic politicians. In seeking to mitigate their crimes, political leaders will also urge us to be part of the ‘problem solving’ process, as in US efforts to draw other countries, including Malaysia, into the ‘reconstruction’ of Iraq. Yet, the real problem in Iraq is America itself. Thus, nothing useful can be constructed on foundations that are already fraudulent and corrupt. In the same sense, the UMNO-corporate system is the foundational problem undermining Malaysian society. And until that reality is fully recognised by reforming politicians and activists, the same deceit and incorporation will prevail. This close connection between ruling party and corporate business must be dismantled. Meaningful problem-solving must, firstly, see the root of the problem itself. Let’s hope that Anwar can be a contributing part of that process.
Now e-mail us and tell us what you think. Your comments might be published in the Letters section of our print magazine, Aliran Monthly. | |||||||||||||||
Bruised by their recent electoral misfortunes, a key section within PAS will also use Anwar’s release to hasten party change, including, perhaps, the removal of Hadi Awang.